Yesterday, the finance minister, Rachel Reeves, delivered a Labour Party budget. The public have been calling for Labour’s purpose and values to be more distinctly articulated. By way of the choices made – a transition to a fairer tax system, targeting wealth to fund tackling child poverty, quality public services and the cost of living – we have clearly set out what we stand for.
This is why Labour MPs cheered in the Commons, and it’s why we are up for the fights to come. And it’s why the protests from the conservative side began immediately.
The central division in British politics is once again on the economy. On the one side Labour, who want to reform it so it benefits everyday working people, and on the opposite side, our opponents, who favor the current system and the failed ideology of the past. We must now confront, and prevail in, the debate.
The Tories had 14 years to fix things and in reality, by every standard, they got far more dire. Their ideological austerity and trickle-down economics – tax cuts for the wealthy, cutting off investment (causing us with low productivity and wages), and neglecting to support young people post-Covid – didn’t work.
Quality of life fell by the biggest amount since records began, child poverty hit record levels, NHS waiting lists in England were the highest they’ve ever been, wages remained flat, a housing crisis took hold, young people scarred by Covid were left on the scrapheap. The history of failure continues.
One budget alone can’t put all this right, so Labour has a comprehensive plan for renewal and for rewiring the country. And we have to go out and continue making the argument for why our strategy will reap dividends.
During the Tories, welfare spending rose substantially. As did child poverty, because they didn’t address the underlying issues: low pay, high housing costs, deep inequalities in education, health and regions. The state is forced to paying more to manage the symptoms instead of the solution.
It’s why we are constructing more social housing than for a generation, increasing wages and enhanced protections for workers, massively boosting investment in infrastructure and new industries, reducing waiting lists down and bringing down the costs of childcare and energy as we drive for clean power.
This is also the reason we are completely justified to use this budget to remove the two-child benefit cap.
For almost a decade, since it was enacted, low-income families with children have suffered from a cruel social experiment that was branded as fair for working people when it was anything but. Most of the families impacted by it have a parent in work.
It has only served to push 300,000 more children into poverty – which, ultimately, costs us more, as well as being callous and unethical.
From experience from my own constituency – where over 5,000 children will be raised out of poverty as a result of abolishing the cap – the real impact it’s had. Children wearing low-cost wellies as school shoes, children going to bed hungry and cold, living in cramped, mouldy homes, parents this Christmas relying on food banks for a modest meal or small gift for their kids.
I also see the impact on schools, teachers, social workers, doctors and charities who are already stretched but have to redirect time and resources to supporting children who are living with the consequences of severe deprivation.
Just one in four pupils from the poorest families achieve five good GCSEs, compared with almost 75% among wealthier families. This sets them up for the disadvantages they face during their lives: unrealized potential, economic struggles and ill health. Children who grew up in poverty are more likely to be jobless or poor as adults.
Addressing child poverty isn’t just a moral imperative, it is a long-term investment. Poverty costs the economy significantly more than the £3bn cost of lifting the two-child cap, or expanding free school meals.
This is the reason we acted promptly in the budget, despite the challenging economic context. Every day with this cap in place sees more than 100 additional children pushed into poverty. The benefits of lifting it won’t happen overnight either, so taking early action in the parliament was crucial.
The cap was a symbol to 14 years of failed conservative ideology. Now it is abolished.
We, as Labour, can also be clear that these measures are being paid for in a just way – from a new gambling levy, closing tax loopholes and a new “mansion tax”.
Equity and purpose – that’s how we will succeed in the contest of ideas. This budget is a clear statement that we won the election as Labour, and will lead as Labour. As I repeatedly said during my campaign to become deputy leader, we must seize back the political platform and define the narrative more strongly about what’s really wrong with the country and how we are fixing it. We’ve certainly done that this week.
So let’s keep hold of it and prevail in this struggle about how we will renew Britain and tackle the entrenched inequalities holding us back.